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- <text id=90TT2697>
- <title>
- Oct. 15, 1990: Arafat's Dangerous Ploy
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
- Oct. 15, 1990 High Anxiety
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- THE GULF, Page 55
- Arafat's Dangerous Ploy
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p> After more than two decades of practice, Yasser Arafat has
- become an expert in the fine art of survival. Now the chairman
- of the Palestine Liberation Organization will once again have
- to use all his skills to find a way through the current crisis.
- By refusing to condemn Iraq's conquest of Kuwait, Arafat has
- infuriated many of his Arab backers, alienated Western powers
- that had only recently begun to warm to him, and driven Israeli
- doves into the camps of the hawks.
- </p>
- <p> Arafat's most urgent problem is money. Despite their anger
- at the P.L.O., the Saudis, according to P.L.O. officials, have
- maintained their donations to the organization. But the exiled
- Kuwaiti government, which normally bankrolls Arafat for
- millions of dollars annually, has cut him off. More important,
- 400,000 Palestinians who worked in the gulf have lost their
- jobs since the crisis began, which means that they can no
- longer send money to their families in the West Bank and Gaza.
- To free up funds for the neediest in the occupied territories,
- Arafat has ordered a 35% cutback in the P.L.O.'s more than $1
- billion operating budget.
- </p>
- <p> Arafat is also caught in a political squeeze. The gulf
- leaders refuse his calls, and he is unwelcome in their
- countries. In addition, the emerging Saudi-Egyptian-Syrian axis
- cuts him out of the locus of power. Egypt's President Hosni
- Mubarak feels personally betrayed by Arafat, and Syria's Hafez
- Assad has long disdained him.
- </p>
- <p> The P.L.O. leader argues in his defense that his refusal to
- lambaste Saddam allows him to play a crucial role as a
- go-between. Arafat has regular communications with Saddam and
- has been in constant, if discreet, touch with some leaders in
- Riyadh through Saudi envoys. And despite the official break in
- the U.S.-P.L.O. dialogue last June, Arafat has kept up informal
- but regular contacts with the Bush Administration through back
- channels.
- </p>
- <p> As Arafat sees it, he is covering his bets. Whether there
- is war or peace, he reckons, the Palestinian issue will have
- to be addressed. Moreover, if a peaceful solution is found in
- the gulf, he figures he will share the credit as a mediator.
- "I am sure some will reward us for helping avoid a
- catastrophe," says Arafat adviser Bassam Abu Sharif. That may
- be wishful thinking. The peace package Arafat is touting
- directly links Iraq's withdrawal from Kuwait to Israel's
- surrender of the West Bank and Gaza--an unacceptable
- proposition for the U.S. And in the unlikely event that the
- Palestinians negotiate a settlement with Israel in the
- foreseeable future, Arafat might still lose out because his
- reputation among Arab and Western leaders was irreparably
- damaged in 1990.
- </p>
- <p> Arafat also faces internal threats. By tilting toward
- Baghdad, he has bolstered radicals within his organization who
- would like to depose him. Should Saddam emerge from the gulf
- crisis stronger, he might challenge Arafat's position. Some
- tensions surfaced shortly after Iraq invaded Kuwait, when
- Saddam wanted to arm Palestinians there, but Arafat instructed
- them to decline. For Arafat, the task, as always, is to ride
- the tiger without being devoured by it.
- </p>
-
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
-
-